Exploring Gender Roles and Civil-Military Relations in Contemporary Politics of Uganda

Topic: Exploring Gender Roles and Civil-Military Relations in Contemporary Politics of Uganda
Author: Katusiime Elizabeth (PhD)
Affiliation: Makerere University College of Humanities and Social Sciences Department of Political Science

Abstract

This study critically examines the intersection of gender and civil-military relations in Uganda, arguing that militarism has historically been embedded in destructive gender ideologies that marginalize women’s contributions while valorizing masculinized forms of power. Drawing on a historical-analytical approach, the paper traces the evolution of gendered military participation from colonial and postcolonial periods to contemporary politics. The analysis begins with the post- independence regimes of Milton Obote and Idi Amin, through which women’s political and social positions were shaped by shifting configurations of state power and militarization. Idi Amin’s administration, while rhetorically incorporating women as “mothers of the nation,” simultaneously subjected them to violence and systemic oppression, revealing the paradox of symbolic inclusion versus structural subordination.

Employing a qualitative historical method, the study examines archival materials, policy documents, and testimonies to explore the instrumental and often overlooked role of women in Uganda’s armed and political struggles particularly during the National Resistance Army (NRA) bush war (1981–1986). Findings reveal that although the 1995 Constitution institutionalized women’s participation in governance and reserved parliamentary seats for the military, gender equality within both political and military structures remains limited. Women’s representation often operates within narrowly defined, patriarchal frameworks that fail to challenge the underlying gender hierarchies of militarized power.

The study concludes that gender serves as both a site of tension and a diagnostic lens through which changes in civil-military relations can be assessed. It recommends that Uganda’s military and political institutions adopt gender-responsive reforms, including equitable recruitment, leadership training, and mechanisms for addressing sexual violence within security forces. Strengthening women’s agency in security governance is essential not only for democratic consolidation but also for transforming militarized cultures that sustain inequality.

Keywords: Gender, civil-military relations, Uganda, militarism, women’s agency, political participation, women peace and security

1.0 Introduction

This paper argues that despite Uganda’s progressive legal and policy frameworks such as the 1995 Constitution, the UPDF Act (2005), and the Gender Policy (2007) entrenched gender norms and institutionalized patriarchy continue to limit women’s meaningful participation in political and military spheres. Historical legacies of colonialism, reinforced by cultural perceptions of masculinity and femininity, still shape Uganda’s civil military relations (Kasfir, 1976; Samwiri, 1996). Addressing these inequalities requires not only legal reforms but also social transformation in gender perceptions and institutional culture.

The study examines the role of gender in shaping Uganda’s contemporary civil -military relations, focusing on women’s participation in the National Resistance Army (NRA) liberation struggle, the persistence of gender norms that either promote or constrain women’s engagement, and the effectiveness of existing gender equality policies. It also proposes strategies to strengthen women’s involvement in decision-making within political and military institutions.

Covering the period from the colonial era to the present, the study highlights how cultural norms, institutional design, and historical legacies have produced gendered patterns of exclusion. Document analysis reveals that women’s marginalisation in politics and the military is not unique to Uganda but a global issue (Johnson, 2015). Although policy frameworks have increased formal representation, they have not fully transformed institutional cultures or societal attitudes.

The study concludes that Uganda has made significant strides toward gender equality; however, the perception of femininity as incompatible with political and military authority continues to constrain women’s advancement. It recommends stronger policy implementation, gender-sensitive institutional reforms, and cultural change to dismantle stereotypes linking leadership to masculinity. Promoting inclusive governance and continuous gender audits can help integrate both feminine and masculine strengths, fostering democratic, equitable, and effective civil–military relations aligned with the principles of equality and human rights envisioned in Uganda’s 1995 Constitution.

1.2 Overview Gender Roles and Civil-Military Relations in Contemporary Politics of Uganda

Politics and military institutions have historically been constructed as masculine domains, influenced by social, political, economic, technological, and environmental factors. This masculine framing has contributed to the persistent marginalization of women and the neglect of gender and social norms within these institutions. Yet, the principles underpinning politics, effective civil–military relations, and democratic governance emphasize gender equality and the protection of human rights (Kasfir, 1976; Kasfir, 1978; Samwiri, 1996). Although some scholars argue that women’s representation in top political and military positions, as well as constitutional recognition of gender equality since 1995, have eliminated gender-based exclusions, this paper contends otherwise. A deeper understanding of gender roles, inclusion, and exclusion in civil military relations and politics requires a historical reflection on both the colonial and post-colonial eras (Uganda Police, 2014).

Before colonialism, gender roles in many precolonial African societies were well defined yet flexible, with men and women performing complementary social and economic functions. However, colonial rule disrupted this equilibrium by imposing rigid gender hierarchies that ignored indigenous gender systems. The British colonial administration in Uganda, for instance, introduced recruitment practices that favored ethnic and physical attributes associated with masculinity and military prowess. The army was largely drawn from Northern Uganda particularly the Acholi, Langi, and Lugbara communities who were perceived as strong “warrior” races (Samwiri, 1996; Mugaju, 1996). Women were excluded almost entirely from military participation, except in rare cases where they exhibited traits deemed “masculine.” This exclusion was further reinforced by British gender norms that associated women with domesticity and moral virtue, rather than public or military service even though the British Empire itself was ruled by a woman, Queen Elizabeth II.

When Uganda gained independence in 1962, it inherited a military institution that was both ethnically imbalanced and gender exclusive. The post-colonial political elite beginning with President Milton Obote and later Idi Amin failed to redress these inequalities, instead perpetuating the gendered legacy of colonial militarism (Otunnu, 1998). During this period, women continued to be marginalized in political life, as reflected in a 1962 Uganda Argus headline, “Politics is not for women.” The subsequent years (1966–1979) were marked by coups, authoritarianism, and poor civil-military relations. Under Idi Amin’s regime, women suffered extensive human rights abuses, including sexual violence and the loss of male relatives to extrajudicial killings.

A shift occurred in the 1980s with the National Resistance Army (NRA) liberation struggle led by Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Women, boys, and girls actively participated in the bush war, redefining traditional gender roles in both political and military spaces (Rubongoya, 2007). The National Resistance Movement (NRM) government institutionalized gender equality principles, culminating in the 1995 Constitution widely regarded as progressive for its gender provisions and subsequent frameworks such as the Uganda Gender Policy (2007) and the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) Act (2005). Nonetheless, gender inequality remains a persistent challenge. The existence of legal and policy frameworks does not necessarily translate into substantive gender inclusion, as patriarchal norms and institutional biases continue to shape participation in politics and the military.

This study examines the role of gender in shaping civil–military relations in Uganda’s contemporary political landscape. Specifically, it explores women’s contributions during the NRA bush war, identifies gender norms that either constrain or promote women’s participation in the military and politics, and recommends strategies to enhance gender inclusivity in these sectors. Using document analysis, the study finds that the exclusion of women from the military and politics is a long-standing issue across both developing and developed contexts (Johnson, 2015). Despite progressive legal instruments, the recognition and redistribution of gender roles within political and military institutions often remain rhetorical rather than practical.

The study concludes that the global “war on terror” and evolving security contexts have necessitated the reevaluation of gender norms that restrict women’s participation in security institutions. Persistent gender stereotypes linking exclusion to biological or reproductive roles such as menstruation, pregnancy, and perceived emotional weakness continue to limit women’s advancement in these sectors. Such reasoning overlooks the potential of integrating both feminine and masculine traits to build more resilient and inclusive political and military institutions.

In all , while Uganda has made significant progress in promoting gender equality, the deep-rooted cultural and institutional norms that underpin civil–military relations still reflect masculine dominance. The study recommends a deliberate shift in policy and institutional practice to dismantle discriminatory gender norms, strengthen gender-sensitive recruitment and leadership programs, and promote equal representation of women in decision-making positions within both politics and the military. Only through such measures can Uganda achieve the democratic ideals of equality, inclusivity, and effective civil–military relations envisioned in its constitutional framework.

1.3 Conceptualizing Civil-Military Relations

Civil-military relations (CMR) has been described as the relationship between civil society as a whole and the military organizations established to protect it. In his own words Huntington (1967), while hypothesizing civil-military relations noted in his words that, ‘’Understanding civil-military relations requires a theory; theory requires abstraction and abstraction requires the simplification and ordering of reality’’. Huntington was warning that civil-military relations tend to be complex, broad, and had limited theories. We observed that Huntington equated Civil-Military relations to religion. He claimed ‘’ religion subordinates man to God for divine purposes as the military subordinates the solider on duty for purpose of society’ ’admittedly; the military expertise, royalty, and discipline, are part of the traits desired by the military to subordinate to the society. To Huntington, the military should be objective and apolitical, and Huntington claims it’s a curse for the military to meddle in politics (Huntington 1981)

In this study, we conceptualized CMR as the relationship between the civil societies, working as individuals or in groups as organizations with the military institution established to protect the civil society. The relationship appeared to be shaped by power relations, sometimes characterized by tensions among the actors. Indeed CMR was observed as a complex issue with some scholars emphasizing objective control of the military. They argued for military professionalism where objective civilian control mirrors a militarized military as a state tool while subjective control mirrors a civilized military that mirrors the society.

Subjective control does not subscribe to a divided military distinct from the society. The scholars of this school of thought argue that the military and society cannot be divided into separate worlds, but believed the military cannot be separated from politics. To control military power, the military should be involved in politics so that they understand issues affecting the citizens and citizens understand issues affecting the military. Scholars who support the objective control claim, that controlling the military power required professionalization of the army and making them politically sterile and neutral.

In this paper, we conceptualized civil-military relations as control of military power using objective and subjective approaches but emphasized more cooperation and coordination approaches between the military, citizens, and the government. To Schiff, (2008) collaboration would ensure that the military remains neutral and this neutrality is recognized by different actors. We agreed that CMR is largely informed by power dynamics in both informal and formal spaces. Nevertheless, we acknowledged that social and gender norms despite their influence on CMR appear to be neglected by most scholars. Most scholars have focused their efforts on wars/coups, totalitarian regimes, and the associated tensions and conflicts.

The analyzed literature revealed that Uganda experienced complex CMR in 1966, 1979, and between 1980 and 1986. Uganda experienced several governance issues and coups that constrained CMR. To put it bluntly, in the period of six years (1979-1986) Uganda had four (4) presidents. The country experienced democratic deficiency, human rights abuse, gender inequalities, and reliance on the coercive power of the military. However, the country stabilized in 1986 after the military rebel leader president Museveni took power. Of course, Uganda has been peaceful and has experienced no single coup for the last thirty-six years (36) although lack of coups alone, may not justify the presence of peace. The fundamental question has been how has the National Resistance Movement, under the leadership of President Museveni managed to create and preserve a military that is objective, and subordinate to political leaders. We argue that a professional army cannot be effective, and resourceful if it does not consider gender roles in Civil Military Relations in the society or collaboration with other actors (Schiff, 1995)

Also, it was established that Uganda has attempted to align issues of CMR with international policy frameworks. Surely, Uganda ratified the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 and in the year 2000, had UNSCR 1325 by developing the National Action Plan on UNSCR 1325. In addition some district local governments such as Dokolo, and Gulu domesticated or localized the national action plan on women’s peace and security. The plans emphasized women’s participation, prevention, and mediation processes of peace and security processes. We established that since 2000, Uganda has developed three national Action Plans on UNSCR 1325. However, funding for the domestication of these plans has largely been shouldered by development partners and civil society organizations. In all, gender and civil-military relations remain a global peace and security strategic issue. Thus, the formation of global organizations such as the Northern Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and United Nations (UN) African Union, IGAD, and missions all over the world, exist not only for economic purposes but also, to ensure strategic security and observance of gender equality and human rights.

1.4 Gender Roles in Contemporary Politics

Gender roles and gender norms are concepts that are often used interchangeably. Numerous norms regulate behaviors and practices perceived to be normal for women, men, girls, and boys, in society. Gender roles are unwritten rules that govern acceptable behaviors in society. In this paper, we focused on social and gender roles that restrict women’s participation in the political space and CMR. We referred to gender roles as part of social norms, that define acceptable, and appropriate actions for women and men in a given group or society. (Shakya, Denny, 2015). We argue that gender norms are embedded in formal and informal institutions nested in the mind of people, produced and reproduced through social interactions (Shakya, and Denny, (2015)

Gender and social norms are descriptive and injunctive. Descriptive roles are perceptions of what others do, and injunctive roles are perceptions of what other people expect others to do. Gender and social norms often are reinforced by the reference groups. Gender roles are socially constructed and dynamic, they determine women’s and men’s unequal access to resources, politics, and CMR thus affecting women’s voice, power, and a sense of self. Some norms define women’s and men’s positions in the group, society and thus structuring hierarchical positions of women and men. We observed that gender roles play a role in shaping the women’s and men’s unequal access freedoms and hamper women’s participation in the military and political institutions.

Cislaghi Hesel (2019) in her paper, Gender norms and Social Norms the Differences and Similarities, Why they Matter, attempts to explain the role of gender norms but focused on male masculinities in health, and relationships building and emphasized that the price of men trying to exhibit their masculinity is often high and costly (Harrison, & Laliberté, 1997). However, Cislaghi Hesel joined a classification other scholars who have not focused on strategies for shifting gender roles in CMR and exploring how gender roles influence behavior within the military and political institutions. Gender roles set standards of how men and women are expected to act, speak, dress, and conduct selves based on sex, for example, women and girls are generally expected to dress in typically feminine ways, speak softly like a woman, be polite, accommodative, and provide care. On the other hand, men are generally expected to be strong, aggressive, energetic, and not supposed to cry and engage in domestic care work. We attempted to establish gender roles in the national resistance struggle for liberation (NRA Bush war).

1.5 Methodology

We conducted a comprehensive literature review and analyzed documents to explore gender roles in Civil Military Relations in Uganda’s contemporary politics. In addition, we specifically examined the role of women in the National Resistance Army liberation struggle (Bush war). In addition, we identified gender norms that re-enforce or constrain women’s participation in the military institutions and politics but also suggested strategies for increasing women’s participation in the military. To attain the mentioned purpose and objectives of this paper, we broadly reviewed and analyzed related literature. We focused on primary and secondary data in documents such as journal articles, documentaries and video recordings on YouTube. Besides, analyzed archival documents such as newspapers, parliamentary Hansards, and presidential speeches. We used a self-developed literature review analytical analysis tools. Using analysis frameworks, we identified the articles, analyzed the main arguments, interpreted the information and wrote the paper. Deductive and inductive analysis/ reasoning were used and applied while writing this paper. The paper captures the conclusions we make but acknowledges the debates of other scholars. Document review methodology rooted in qualitative methodologies proved effective for this research due to the availability of documented data. However, we are aware other qualitative methods such as interviews would have also been appropriate but the researchers were limited by resources and time.

1.6 Key Findings of the Study

The study analyzed existing literature and documentary evidence on the role of gender in Uganda’s contemporary civil–military relations (CMR). The findings are organized thematically as follows:

1.6.1 Neglect of Gender in Civil–Military Scholarship

The analysis revealed that gender has been largely neglected in CMR and political studies. Scholars have predominantly focused on issues such as military coups, political instability, and power struggles, often overlooking how gender roles, beliefs, and practices shape civil–military interactions (Huntington, 1967; Shakya & Denny, 2015). The study confirms that gender roles are socially constructed, dynamic, and influential in shaping both political and military behavior. Moreover, many institutional policies within the military and political sectors are informed more by prevailing social norms than by professional or objective criteria.

1.6.2 Women’s Participation during Uganda’s Conflict 1970s and 1980s

Findings show that women’s involvement in armed conflict or the military often emerges in response to extreme national crises. Periods of political upheaval such as the 1970s and 1980s in Uganda—compelled women to engage in armed resistance. Similar patterns were observed globally during the World Wars (1914–1918; 1939–1945) and anti-colonial struggles like the Nyangire rebellion (1910–1930) and the Mau Mau uprising (1920–1963) (Alexievich, 2018; Miller, 1980; Lwanga-Lunyiigo & Samwiri, 1987; Maddox, 2018). Despite their critical roles, women’s contributions were often undervalued, misrepresented, or excluded from official historical narratives.

1.6.3 Institutional and Policy Barriers

The study found that existing recruitment and promotion policies, such as the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) Act (2005), do not explicitly promote gender parity. Recruitment tends to prioritize regional or ethnic balance rather than gender equality. Consequently, women’s participation remains minimal and is often limited to support roles. Even with the 1995 Constitution’s gender equality provisions, women’s representation in security institutions, including the National Security Council and District Security Committees, remains tokenistic and largely symbolic (National Security Council, 2012; Yilmaz & Dalkilic, 2022).

1.6.4 Gendered Division of Labor in Liberation Struggles

During the National Resistance Army (NRA) bush war, women contributed in diverse ways— ranging from providing medical care, food, documentation, and community mobilization to offering emotional and spiritual support. However, these roles were frequently overshadowed by dominant masculine narratives. For instance, Gertrude Njuba acknowledged that she did not engage in frontline combat but instead undertook critical logistical roles. Such testimonies highlight how cultural norms redefined and diminished women’s wartime contributions. Furthermore, repressive regimes inadvertently reshaped gender norms, as women, previously confined to domestic roles, joined armed struggles in response to extreme oppression.

1.6.5 Cultural Constraints and Gendered Stereotypes

The study illustrates how cultural expectations of femininity continued to marginalize women even within liberation movements. Women who displayed emotion, such as crying under duress, were reprimanded for “failing” as soldiers. Others faced life-threatening accusations for minor mistakes, revealing the gendered double standards within military culture. Moreover, women’s participation occasionally required defying cultural taboos such as undressing to cross rivers during the bush war to avoid recognition by enemies illustrating both resilience and the depth of gendered constraints.

1.6.6 Reinterpretation and Elimination of Women’s Contributions

Post-conflict narratives often erased or simplified women’s wartime roles. After the NRA’s victory, women’s contributions were dismissed as secondary, epitomized by statements such as “women did not fight; they only cooked.” This erasure demonstrates how patriarchal and cultural norms continue to dominate historical and political discourse in Uganda’s CMR.

Overall, the study finds that gender remains a marginal yet critical factor in Uganda’s civil– military relations. Women’s participation, though significant, is constrained by cultural norms, institutional bias, and limited policy enforcement. The persistence of patriarchal narratives within military and political structures continues to undermine gender equality and democratic inclusivity.

Discussion of findings: Gender Roles and Civil-Military Relations

We discussed striking results on the role of women in the bush war, politics, and CMR in this section. We established that during the bush war, reproductive and some gender roles were somehow restricted or altered, for example, the restriction of sexual relationships. Junior soldiers were not expected to engage in any form of sexual relationships. Sexual relationships remained a reserve for high-ranking officers (https://www.youtube.com/watch?) However, later, a realization was made that nature might not be legislated upon. Similarly, perhaps that explains why UPDF Act 2005 does not allow young officers to marry or get married. In the related situation in 2021, the Uganda Prisons discontinued eighteen (18) female officers who were found out to be pregnant during training. The rules were clear, no trainee should get pregnant. However, the rules apply only to female trainees but remain lenient to the male gender. Male trainees were not reprimanded for impregnating any woman but women are forbidden to get pregnant while in training. However, it was not certain how sexuality and nature could be regulated in security institutions without gender discrimination. Such laws were inaugurated during the bush war but one of the renowned women who participated in the bush war Gertrude Njuba in her own words noted, ‘’During the bush war, junior officers were not allowed to engage in any form of sexual relationships. However, we realized later that we could not legislate on nature but we could legislate on social norms’’

The data suggests gender roles were at play in the bush war. Women performed roles similar to those ascribed to them in the domestic spheres. We analyzed some women who participated in the push war and played different roles that Capt. Zizinga and Gertrude Njuba. The Focus was placed on women who joined upon being tired of the injustices of the Obote government. Women played important roles such as mobilization of people, food, clandestine work, and provision of health care. Historical women who participated in the NRM bush war were all confirmed to have been wonderful mobilizers for people to join the struggle both civilians and the soldiers who deserted the government army (the National Liberation Army) of President Milton Obote.

‘’I got into the system as the mobilizer, also doing clandestine work’’ the late Capt. Oliver Zizinga, acknowledges while sharing her experiences in the bush war (Daily Monitor, January 25th, 2014) There were women like Brigadier Proscovia Nalweyiso, who started as a Mobiliser looking for food and scouted the road to ensure that there were no enemies. Also, women performed the traditional role of food provision and medical care. Women had the mandate to put food on the plate, not only for themselves but also for other soldiers including the chief of command (Museveni). The meals comprised of banana fingers, one for each user, and a piece of meat the size of a fist. This was both for supper and lunch. Women would cut each banana figure into pieces and also cut meat into two to have a piece for lunch and another for supper. It was women who were in charge of welfare during the National Resistance Army struggles Even, food for the national label readers then referred to as the Chairman of High Command. Two women the late Capt. Zizinga and Major Gertrude Njuba were responsible for ensuring that food, water, and anything he ate were safe. Much as the women did not go to the battlefront, they ensured that the leader of the struggle is safe and healthy. However, roles in the bush war shifted when it came to the side of men. For example, in 1982, the National Resistance Army structure was accomplished and welfare of the Chief Command (Museveni) were given to men. Also, Museveni was assigned a chief Bodyguard and chief cook who was male known as Lusigazi, but Gertrude Njuba and Oliver Zizinga played the supervision role. Often the men assigned the role of welfare to the leader of the chief command did not perform their roles to the satisfaction of the female supervisors. Captain Zizinga was right when she pointed out that’’ the day we witnessed his cook, dip a Fingers in tea to check the temperature and then served Museveni half-cooked tea, we requested personally to prepare his meals’’ This was done to ensure that the life of the rebel leader was not at risk However, women who provided domestic care in the bush war, experienced a lot of suspicion and mistrust fellow comrades’. There was a fear that the enemy could penetrate camp through them enemy. Such, put the lives of the women at risk and one day they survived being killed upon poison suspicion. In her own ward the late Capt. Oliver ZiZinga said

‘’ I survived a firing squad (death) thrice. There was an incident when a leaf of Mujaja (basil) was left in the only Kettle we had and appeared in the Chief of Command’s (Museveni) cup. He had been warned by his auntie who was in the bush that he could be bewitched through Mujaja. Coincidently, he fell sick after the cup of milk complaining of something walking along his spine…we were thought to have been a threat to his life and we were threatened to be put on the firing squad being (killed). However, when Doctor Bata examined him, he said he was suffering from an amoebiasis. I remember taking turns with Gertrude to stay awake at night to ensure he took his medication and got well. From then, we ate the same food we prepared for him from the same plate, including his chief bodyguard.’’ Daily Monitor, January 25th, 2014

To express a greater degree of certainty, we established the role of women becoming secretaries or women being responsible for documentation (secretary) a norm always associated with women continued even during the bush outside the family domain. The results confirm the mythical assumption that women write well, and are careful while writing, thus they are secretaries in offices. This was a gender role that women capitalized on to contribute wonderfully during the bush war. Gertrude Njuba one of the women who actively participated in the bush war agrees when she narrates in her profile, ‘’The chairman sent me out to deliver letters to Samora Michel of Mozambique, to Kenya, Tanzania Sweden, Denmark, and England, among other countries, soliciting support for the struggle’’ Gertrude Njuba explains that she was the one responsible for publishing letters declaring war on President Milton Obote and used the cyclostyle technique to publish it.

We found out that women were considered trust worthy and not corrupt. Perhaps that war was the reason why women were responsible for the finances and mobilization of people especially young people to join the struggle both from within and in the diaspora. Women solicited for firearms, and since guns were not enough for the trained men in the bush war. However, Gertrude narrated that the mobilization role was quite risky. In her words s noted,

‘’one day were intercepted at the roadblock, me and Brigadier Matayo Kyaligonza, we were almost arrested by the government soldiers. We survived by narrowly by lack. The military officer on the roadblock asked Kyaligonza what do you have in the car boot and Brigadier Matayo Kyaligonza jokingly replied we are carrying guns. The military officer on the roadblock took as jok, laughed over it, and let us go. We survived narrowly and indeed we had guns’’

Determination to fight the injustice of the previous regimes pushed women to participate in bush war. Women were determined and resilient to fight. When three children of late Capt. Zizinga were killed by President Obote’s government, she was more than determined to join anybody willing to fight the government. Indeed when Museveni in 1980 declared that he was going to the bush because elections were not free and fair, women like Capt. Zizinga, and Gertrude Njuba was imprisoned by Obote Government, they were more than determined to support the straggle and joined president Museven in the bush. The courage to fight the Obote government and later that earned her pips was her determination to fight the government soldiers who had gone to steal near her home. She mobilized her children and they started throwing stones indiscriminately at the government soldiers who had gone to steal in the community (Museveni, & Khadiagala, 1977) when the rebel leader Yoweri Museveni learned of it he mobilized her to join the liberation war. The late, Captain Zinzinga narrated about earning her pip.

‘One day when the rebellion had just started in our village in Gombe, My children came at around 10:00 am saying the thieves had attacked the village. We picked stones and hide in the bush near the house. We stoned at the house and drove the thieves away. Rumors spread to the rebels that I had single-handedly driven thieves out of my neighborhood and that is how I gained popularity with the labels (NRA). Eventually, I was summoned by Museveni for the first time at Mondlane camp where he told me you do not know me but I have heard about you, I want you to be part of my delegation going to meet Kayira. That is how I joined the struggle as a Senior Officer and member of the National Resistance Council, the rebel parliament. I was responsible for recruiting government deserters into our camp. For those who deserted with guns, I had to find a way of ensuring those guns go to the bush. (Online Daily Monitor, January 25th, 2014)

Women were instrumental in the bush struggle and FRONESA days. (Museveni, 2020). . The likes of Joy Mirembe. Took the role of inducting women into bush life. Women provided medical care, they would gather and identify herbs used to treat wounds because soldiers were getting wounded and that was the biggest problem in the bush. Women played a role in nursing care. Some women knew traditional herbs which could cure ailments like Malaria, headache, and stomach ache, among others. Besides, there was also a group of women that specialized in healing spiritual affliction. Whenever Soldiers complained of being disturbed by spirits, women given herbs to manage the spirits. Also, women played a role in peace talks. Some of the women like Winnie Byanyima joined the struggle at the point of peace talks in Nairobi and she was appointed to document minutes and other deliberations.

Also, positive gender relations were depicted in the bush war where men would support women in the care work, provision of food but also risk their lives to raid hospitals to get menstruation pads in form of cotton wool for the women to use during their monthly periods Capt. Zinzinga, in her words, she noted,

‘’Bush life was not easy, several times, men had to raid hospitals and health centers, not necessarily for medicine but to get cotton wool for us, women, for the time of the month (meaning menstruation period). At some point nature, seemed to accept that we would not meet the needs of a normal life of a woman, and the system blacked out, only to get back to normal when we left the bush and without any medical intervention’’ (Daily Monitor, January 25th, 2014.)

We analyzed the period between 1970 -1979 and confirmed that indeed men and women witnessed constrained CMR. Regarding gender, President Idi Amin Dada, positioned his wives and recognized Mothers Union Organizations purposely to cement his military rule, which was characterized by tension, fear, kidnaps, rape, and death. Parmar, M. (2014). We observed that, some women assumed political power or become successful entrepreneurs after the expulsion of Asians in 1972 while others endured sexual assault and experienced the trauma of watching their

women went through during Amin’s regime was terrible. Women lost their children (sons), husbands were kidnapped, girls were raped and some died in prisons while others have never been seen again. We confirmed that such acts of terror were a deliberate strategy to ignite fear and expand oppression amongst civilians, although not necessarily as a performance of hyper- masculine military violence but a sensitive indicator of constrained CMR. Similarly, the military regime of Idi Amin banned women’s organization activities, except for the National council of women which was the ‘arm’ of government used to control women. Politics was exclusively a preserve for men and women were viewed in their submissive roles as mothers and domestic workers, good for entertaining visitors, as cooks, and dancers. Women were expected to work hard and take care of their families. However, despite the restrictions, women continued to mobilize themselves. They indirectly participated and supported the removal of President Idi Amin’s regime.

We established the role of women in politics and CMR greatly improved when President Museveni took over power in 1986. We found out that deliberate efforts to redress the gender imbalances in Uganda Police, for example, started in 2002 and culminated in the creation of a fully-fledged department to cater to women’s affairs. The department was created in 2014 and headed by a female senior police officer, ACP Chelimo. It was established that the reason for the creation of the women’s affairs department was based on the fact that the women’s biological and social functions do not change when a woman joins the police. Though obviously, most people do not recognize that women do not convert into men simply because they have joined the police in a male-dominated space. But women who have joined the predominantly male-dominated institution have diligently and satisfactorily performed their duties yet, women have not raised to ranks at the rate of men much as the 1995 constitution emphasizes gender equality and the Uganda gender policy 2007 requires mainstreaming of gender in national planning processes the required 30% ratio has not been attained.

The role of women is often ignored: While women have been important actors in the national development process, their potential and contribution has never, or at least not until recently been recognized and or rewarded for their efforts. Their contribution has always been taken for granted. However, from 1986 gender question questions, where are the women in this? Become very important in Uganda, Gender issues assumed national importance. Where gender equality became essential a feeling of gender equality hypocrisy among politicians could not fully be ruled out. For example women representation in, parliament, district councils were formed to serve the interests of all women, not just the educated or elite women. Apparently, these positions seemed ineffective as women were faced with political party divisions, identity crisis and financial constraints. However, the most important issue to mention is that Women Councils remain a political organ designed to propagate women interests irrespective of the challenges faced.

In 1986, the women’s desk was established in the NRM secretariat to coordinate women’s issues, and later elevated to the directorate of women’s affairs. The major role was mobilizing and politicizing women throughout the country to actively participate in public life. Also, the introduction of the resistance council (RCs) later transformed into Local Councils was designed to ensure the popular participation of women in political processes from the grass root to the national level. Women were encouraged to actively take part. The position of secretary for women’s affairs was provided right from RC 1 to RC V and this position was specifically reserved for women.

The legislature and parliament reserved automatic seats for women elected from each district in the country. Besides special representation on councils, women were and are free to contest any other post. Affirmative action has resulted in an increased number of women in decision-making positions, importantly in the national legislature of the country. In 1988, women’s participation became very prominent, for example, in the year, Victoria Ssekitoleko was appointed Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry, Rhondda Kalema Deputy Minister of Public Service, Joyce Mpanga, Minister of State for Lower Education, Florence Nkurekenda, Deputy Minister of Labour, Betty Bigombe Minister of State in the Prime Minister’s Office and Gertrude Njuba, Deputy Minister in the same office. The President appointed the first Female Vice President (Specioza Wandela Kazibwe) Nov 1994 and this was the record in Africa. The number women in parliament has tremendously increased to date.

Women are serving as resident district commissioners, Women are serving injustice there women lawyers. When the NRM embarked on drafting the constitution, women played a major role in addressing their needs and aspirations. Women’s participation in the constitution review was remarkable. Women constituted themselves into a caucus to speak with one voice for the needs and aspirations of women of Uganda and they used every opportunity to articulate their primary ideas. The government put in place the legal systems. For example, the legal division in the ministry of gender and community development is responsible for advising the government on the provisions of gender laws in Uganda. Emphasis on legal education, research on democratic relations, and constitutional consultation has been initiated in this respect. There has been a deliberate decision by the government to increase the number of women in top decision-making bodies.

Before the December 1986 Seminar, ACFODE drew up a list of names and accompanying curriculum vitae ( CVs) of women qualified for openings and posts in government, parastatals, and membership of management boards. The names were handed to Prime Minister Samson Kiseka when he was closing the workshop in Mukono. Later several women were appointed to various boards following that submission. (Matembe 2019)

Redefining the role of women or not recognizing the role of women who played important role in the bush war. Most Female Officers have been retired from the army on ground that they needed to rest but also they could not cope with the standards of the modern army. Capt. Zizinga died last year (2021) at her humble at home with limited chances to meet his Excellency the President Museveni whom he worked with closely during the National Resistance Army liberation straggle or bush war.

Women’s involvement in military combats. The military institution has been a preserve for men because they hold expected social and gender norms. Armed forces were usually regarded as harsh and only fit for men and had remained a preserve of men. The coming to power of the NRM government challenged this attitude and practice. First women participated in the Bush War fighting the Obote II government (1981-85) during the struggle, women distinguished themselves as good and brave fighters like their male combatants. Therefore it is not surprising that when NRA took over power in 1986 some women were already combatants, and Officers, Notable among the women with ranks were; Captain Gertrude Njuba, Capt. Zizinga, Major, Nalweyiso, and the late Sarah Mirembe. However, the government has been blamed of sidelining women in women who fought in the bush and also in Uganda Peoples Defense Force (UPDF). Museveni himself admitted that most of the women combatants are retired from the army since the job was done and points out that most of the girls and women were not educated and could not cope with the standards of the modern army. Nevertheless, men’s monopoly of the forces has been irreversibly broken. There are women in the army and police whose performance is good as that of their male counterparts but seemingly not promoted to top positions as their male counterparts.

We established that democratic deficit regimes affect the realization of gender equality. Such regimes are not willing to share power meaningfully. More so in public decision-making (Tremblay, 2007). We agree the number of women holding political office has increased globally, and some women have the power to influence political outcomes. But often, male political leaders promote women who are loyal to the dominant man holding power while pushing out those who challenge the status quo, as demonstrated by the case of Rwanda”, Belarus, and Nigeria (Brechenmacher et al., 2021; Amnesty International, 2020; Kelly, 2019). Furthermore, increases in the national-level political representation of women do not always translate into “increases in women’s everyday political agency and power (Brechenmacher 2021). The puzzling questioned asked but not answered by this is paper remains, does women’s participation in politics and military tantamount to effectiveness in the decision making? Or women participation in politics and military is simply cosmetic, strategically designed to satisfy donor demands expected of democratic goverments. Or government attempts to comply with international legal frameworks such as the United Nations Convention on Elimination of all Forms of Violence (CEDAW)

We established that the Security Council, the main decision-making space which informs and advises the President on security matters remains male-dominated and cosmetic in committing to increased women’s participation in decision making on matters of security. Yet it was formed by the act of parliament and is mandated to inform the president on matters of security. The council is composed of the joint Security Council, joint intelligence committee which is a technical committee appointed by the President and composed of various security experts from security agencies. Among the functions of the council are to inform and advise the President on matters relating to national security, to coordinate and advise on policy matters relating to intelligence and security, to review national security needs and goals, to brief the cabinet regularly on matters relating to national security, to receive and act on reports from the joint intelligence committee. Finally, carry out other functions as Parliament may assign to the council. Yet this important security committee that concerns itself with the security of the nation that involves issues affecting men and women boys and girls is heavily dominated by the male gender. Until recently the Security Council committee has been heavily male-dominated. It was only in 2021 when the president made the untold miracle of appointing women in big numbers to be in top leadership positions. Key among them are the Vice, president, Prime \Minister, Speaker of Parliament..

According to the National security Council Act, (2012), the Security Council committee members are composed of the President who is the Chairperson, the Vice President, the Minister responsible for Internal Affairs, the Minister responsible for Finance, the Antony General, the Minister responsible for Foreign Affairs, the Minister responsible for Security, the Minister responsible for Defense and any other person approved by the Vice President on approval of Parliament. The following are ex-officio members of the Security Council; Inspector General of Police, the Army Commander, the Director-General of the Internal Security Organization, Director General of External Security Organizations, the Director of the Special Branch, the Director of Criminal Investigations, the Chief of Military Intelligence, and the Commissioner of Prisons.

The joint intelligence committee is the technical committee of the National Security Council. Out of 15 positions, only 2 are held by women. Yet the constitution of Uganda, 1995 indicates, that women shall have the right to equal treatment with men and equal opportunities in political, economic, and social activities. Perhaps the Uganda being patriarchal society partly explains men’s domination of most essential military and security positions. Article 32 of the constitution demands the State to protect women’s rights and be cognizant of the unique status and natural maternal functions of women in society. The military institutions appear to be informed of the unique status and maternal functions of women. However, they have not instituted an affirmative action to deliberately encourage and increase the number of the women to join military institutions. Besides, the government’s intention to increase the number of women in security services appears cosmetic as district security and intelligence committees at district levels remain heavily male-dominated. example, the District Security Council is composed of existing structures such as the Resident District Commissioner, District Internal Security Officer, District Chairperson; the Secretary of Defense, District Council Committee, Chief administrative Officer, District Police Commander, District Uganda Peoples’ Defense Forces Commander, District Prisons commander, the District Criminal Investigations Department Officer.(National Security Council Act, 2012) Most of these offices are male-dominated yet they are the ones that constitute or populate the District Security Council. This means women are technically excluded from the district security committees rendering it a gender blind committee. The district security council Committee is mandated to inform and advise the national security council on matters relating to security in the district, coordinate and advise on policy matters for intelligence and security review and forward to the council the security needs and goals in the district. All deliberate intentions are made by the government to ensure the composition of these security committees is gender-sensitive to move towards a transformative society. Otherwise, the good efforts are finding their way to waste.

We agreed with Segal, (2006) that the military is an essential institution mandated to defend, protect the territorial sovereignty of the country and protect people and their property. We found out that gender analysis is not done from the perspective of the military. Gender analysis in the military is often omitted possibly due to fear of feminist views given the nature of administration of the institution. The role of gender in Civil Military Relations has scantly been documented. Not only in developing countries nor in developed countries, for example, the United States of America. Until the 1970s, there was almost no scholarly work on women in the military rather than Tread Well’s (1954) Scholarly work. However, the recent publication of military work on women is on the increase Though the focus that appears to be on the history of women’s participation, military technology, and less on gender and social norms. Segal, (1995) argued that the need to increase personnel in the military has resulted in motivating women to join the military. But also the increased unemployment especially in developing countries like Uganda has forced women to join the military.

Huffman, Culbertson, & Barbour, (2015) emphasize that gender analysis should be done to avoid the continuity of gender stereotypes in the military institutions often regarded as masculine institutions (Arkins & Dobrofsky, 1978; Youngman, 2001). While Huffman, Culbertson, & Barbour, (2015) argued that the military institutions are masculine because men are good managers. We did not agree with him and we argue that military institutions simply do not have deliberate intentions to recruit, train, and monitor the performance of women Officers have them promoted in top positions. Scheim, (1975) put it correctly that women leaders tend to be devalued or undermined when working in male-dominated institutions. To Eagly, Makhijani, and Klonsky, (1992), expected norms such as being physically fit to do push up are some of the things that deter women in the military profession. Perceived gender roles may conflict with expectations regarding leadership roles, especially when an occupation is held predominantly by one sex. (Huffman Culbert, & Barbour, 2015). We conclude that although the UPDF Act exists and emphasizes women and civilians work in the military, it omits the affirmative action that would increase the number of women in security forces. Tamale (2018) warns about affirmative actions that are state- given and not demanded by women themselves through women organizations or movements

However, we agree that affirmative action is essential irrespective of whether initiated by the state or the Women’s movement.

However, Laurence, Milavec, Rohall, Ender, and Matthews (2016) argue that the present policy framework that ensures the direct inclusion of women and non-discriminative recruitment policies may not be enough. As long as sexual harassment, and assault in security institutions are not dealt with, it would discourage women to join. Also, attitudinal obstacles constrain some women from optimally serving in the full range of military jobs. Women serving in the military contradict traditional values that bar women’s engagement in direct combats. However, Segal, Bachman, Freedman-Doan, and Malley, (2018) argue that Women should not be excluded from the military, but instead be encouraged to use the unique feminine skills that men do not have. Also, women can perform similar roles as men when trained. Actually, some scholars of military studies have indicated that women even perform better in the peacekeeping mission. Likewise, in the fight against terrorism where radicalization starts from the family level, leaving women behind would be a big mistake and a signal that the battle against terrorism and counter-terrorism may flop flatly (Harrison, & Laliberté, 1997). But Kiefer, (2022) insist that Military ideologies are shaped by masculinity behaviors that are socially constructed, and Yilmaz, & Dalkilic, (2022) argue that jobs are shared according to gender roles based on what women and man perform in society, or concerning socialization. He argues that the nature of socialization attracts men and women to particular professions. And that women or men who tend to join professions dominated by one gender face certain limitations and are exposed to negative experiences. According to Kanter (1977), women who are exposed to negative experiences of tokenism are working in male- dominated occupations. Due to the social norms and gender role expectations, there are mismatches in gender roles and occupations. While occupational gender segregation creates norms about which profession is suitable for women, it causes women who choose outside of normative expectations to encounter negative experiences.

On the other hand, Yilmaz, and Dalkilic, (2022) indicated that even men who turned to professions dominated by women were exposed to negative experiences (Heilman, 1983; Terborg, 1977; Sacket et al., 1991; Cohen, Swim, 1995; Reskin, 1988; Kurt Yılmaz, 2019). Social and cultural barriers make it difficult for women to exist in certain professions, thus women face a glass ceiling or concrete ceiling that limits their advancement in the male-dominated career. Even those who have made it, it is often taken as a token but not the actual achievement of their own. For example, adjectives such as “the only” and “the first” female commander of elite forces. Women promoted Tokenism are exposed to stereotyping, and discriminatory treatment. Also, they suffer from close and punitive supervision, insufficient support, and hostile behavior in their professions. But women’s participation in Civil Military Relation has unique benefits as explained by Paret, (1999) and Barnett, (2008) using examples of Afghanistan and Iraq. Women were indirectly supportive in the military history of Afghanistan (Kiefer, 2022).

Matei, Halladay, and Bruneau, (2021) suggest strategies for good Civil Military Relation and suggests that professional norms should be institutionalized, and legally approved. There should be transparent policies for recruitment, education, training, and promotion. Following the goals of the democratically elected civilian leadership, the security institutions should internalize the control mechanisms of the military. First, a plan should exist to provide a strategic vision, or a roadmap, for the role of the security forces in the democratic society. Examples include national security strategies, national military strategies, white papers on security and defense, strategies for disaster relief, strategies on organized crime, and doctrines on intelligence, and counterterrorism doctrines. On the other hand, structures and processes should exist to formulate, implement and monitor government plans, ensure inter-ministerial coordination and collaboration between government and civil society.

The country to take it upon itself to commit resources, both financial and human capital and, it should ensure, that sufficient equipment, trained forces, and other assets needed to implement the assigned roles and missions in a gender-sensitive manner are available. Matei, Halladay, and Bruneau, (Eds.) (2021) claimed that to ensure perfect CMR, the military institution should ensure effectiveness in fulfilling roles and missions (Black, 2004). They should be prepared, and have the desired ability as security institutions to fulfill any or all of the roles assigned to them by the civilian leaders. Such democratic roles include but are not limited to fighting internal wars or conflicts, combating terrorism, fighting (transnational organized) crime, conducting peace, stability, and reconstruction operations. Also, conducting emergency management of civil affairs, ensuring the security of own government institutions, ensuring the safety and security citizens during of elections.

1.7 Conclusion and Recommendation

In conclusion, this study acknowledges the significant role played by the National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime in 1986 in expanding opportunities for women’s participation in Uganda’s political and military spheres. The inclusion of women during and after the Bush War marked a historical shift in the deconstruction of rigid gender stereotypes that had long confined women to domestic spaces. Through affirmative action and policy reforms, the NRM government created an environment that encouraged women’s entry into leadership and decision-making positions within political and security institutions. This progress demonstrated that gender roles are neither static nor biologically determined but can evolve through deliberate political commitment and structural transformation.

However, the study also finds that despite these achievements, Uganda’s military and political institutions remain predominantly male-dominated. Women who actively participated in the liberation struggle were rarely recognized or rewarded commensurately with their male counterparts. Their contributions were often simplified and redefined as extensions of domestic labor, reflecting the persistent influence of patriarchal norms. Prominent female figures such as Winnie Byanyima have criticized the slow pace of gender equality reforms, highlighting the gap between progressive policy frameworks and their practical implementation. Furthermore, scholarship on gender and governance in Uganda has often emphasized women’s rights and gender-based violence while paying limited attention to gender norms in civil–military relations, military technology, and their broader implications for political inclusion.

The findings underscore the need for stronger solidarity, collaboration, and constructive debate among women’s movements to advance gender role transformation within Uganda’s security and governance structures. Such dialogue must be guided by integrity and inclusivity to prevent opportunism and ensure genuine progress toward gender parity. While Uganda has established one of the most gender-sensitive constitutional and policy frameworks exemplified by the 1995 Constitution the persistent challenge lies in effective implementation, monitoring, and evaluation. The study concludes that Uganda’s strength in policy formulation must now be matched by an equal commitment to execution. Sustained advocacy, institutional accountability, and gender- responsive reforms within the military and political sectors are essential for achieving equitable civil–military relations and genuine gender transformation in Uganda.

Recommendations

Drawing from the findings of this study, several actionable recommendations are proposed for policymakers, civil society organizations (CSOs), and military institutions to strengthen gender equality and transform civil–military relations (CMR) in Uganda.

1.7.1 Policy and Institutional Reforms

1. Mainstream and Integrate Gender Norms: Government institutions and CSOs should mainstream and institutionalize gender and social norms programming across all political and military sectors. Empowered women should be encouraged and supported to challenge discriminatory practices and advocate for inclusive participation in leadership and decision-making.
2. Promote Affirmative Action in Recruitment: The Ministry of Defence and the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) should enforce affirmative action policies to increase women’s recruitment and retention within military institutions. Recruitment policies must prioritize gender parity alongside regional balance and address social norms that discourage women’s participation.
3. Integrate Gender Sensitivity in Training: Military training curricula should incorporate gender and human rights education, particularly in areas of post-conflict reconstruction, peacekeeping, and stabilization operations. Commanders and senior officers should be trained prior to deployment on gender-responsive leadership and the prevention of gender- based violence.
4. Recognize and Reward Women’s Contributions: The NRM government should equitably recognize and compensate women and families who contributed to the liberation struggle. Such recognition should be symbolic and material, reaffirming the value of women’s participation without framing it as a struggle for dominance but rather as a pursuit of equity and justice.

1.7.2 . Research, Advocacy, and Awareness

•   Promote Gender-Based Advocacy in CMR: CSOs, academic institutions, and think tanks should conduct applied research to identify and challenge negative gender norms that hinder women’s participation in the military and politics. Findings should inform evidence- based advocacy aimed at transforming public perceptions and institutional attitudes toward gender and leadership.
•   Raise Awareness on Gender and Social Norms: Government agencies and CSOs should launch targeted awareness campaigns within military and political institutions to sensitize stakeholders on the importance of gender equality, inclusivity, and human rights. Awareness initiatives should also seek to redefine femininity and masculinity in ways that promote mutual respect, empathy, and collaboration.
•   Foster Participatory Security Dialogues: The state and CSOs should invest in participatory and community-specific strategies to strengthen trust between the military, citizens, and political leaders. This can be achieved through periodic national strategic security dialogues, community reflection sessions, and forums that encourage open discussions on gender, security, and accountability.1.7.3 Implementation, Monitoring, and CollaborationInstitutionalize Monitoring and Evaluation Mechanisms: Ministries and security institutions should conduct regular policy monitoring and evaluation to track progress in shifting gender roles and norms. Social norms exploration tools, gender audits, and reference-group consultations should be integrated into institutional performance reviews.

  Enhance Civil–Military Collaboration: Strengthen collaboration between citizens and security forces by organizing joint reflection and dialogue meetings. Such forums should reaffirm the military’s accountability to civilian authority and discourage regression into past patterns of human rights violations or militarized political engagement.

  Encourage Balanced Gender Traits in Institutional Culture: Security forces and political institutions should be encouraged to value both feminine and masculine traits—such as empathy, humility, patience, discipline, and courage as complementary strengths that enhance effective leadership, cohesion, and institutional harmony.

Collectively, these recommendations call for a multi-sectoral, evidence-driven, and transformative approach to gender equality in Uganda’s politics and civil–military relations. The effective implementation of these actions requires strong political will, institutional accountability, and collaboration among the government, CSOs, academia, and security institutions. Only through deliberate commitment to gender-responsive governance can Uganda realize a more inclusive, democratic, and equitable society.

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